Blog post by Çağlar Çetin-Ayşe, Augustana College, USA
 
When discussions of gender equality surface in Turkey, attention often centers on women’s struggles and resistance. My research, published in Identities as ‘Unpacking the nexus of ethnoreligious identity, minority status, and young men’s feminist self-identification in Turkey’, shifts that focus to diverse young men who support gender equality. Based on face-to-face interviews I conducted with Sunni Turkish, Kurdish, Alevi and Arab Alawite men, the study examines how their ethnoreligious identities shape their paths toward (or away from) feminist allyship. The findings complicate the widespread assumption that marginalization fosters empathy for other oppressed groups.

Across Europe and beyond, public debates may frame minority men (such as Muslim men in Scandinavian countries or Kurdish men in Turkey) as either threats to gender equality or as potential allies due to their experiences of exclusion. But the picture is far more complex. In Turkey, a country deeply polarized along ethnic, religious and political lines, these dynamics play out in unexpected ways.

Blog post by Övgü Ülgen, University of Montreal, Canada
 
Identities are multiple, fragmented, fluid, and – generationally speaking – often quite complex. My Identities article, ‘Generations and difference: language, religion, and North African Jewish identification in Québec’, examines the generational dynamics of North African Jewish belonging in this francophone province through the interplay of language and religion.
 
Drawing on 18 life-story interviews with North African Jewish immigrants in Québec, my article examines the coexistence of non-convergent identities across generations. Participants included first-generation immigrants, primarily baby boomers (born 1946–1964) with a few from the silent generation (born 1937–1945); 1.5-generation individuals from Generation X (born 1965–1979) who immigrated before the age of 18; and second-generation participants born and raised in Québec, including both Generation Xers and millennials (born 1980–mid-1990s). The first wave of North African Jewish immigrants to Québec – mostly francophone – settled in the 1950s, though emigration, particularly from Morocco, continued over the following decades. 

Blog post by Dounia Largo, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium

Introduction
Since October 2023, Brussels has become one of the main centres of pro-Palestinian mobilisation in Europe. On a daily basis, people have gathered in public spaces to express solidarity with Palestinians facing genocide, occupation, apartheid, and forced displacement imposed by the Israeli state. These mobilisations have taken many forms, including static gatherings, mass demonstrations, direct actions, boycotts, and protests organised without official authorisation.

At first glance, Brussels presents itself as a city that welcomes protest. Its political leaders regularly portray it as a space of democratic openness, freedom of expression, and tolerance. Yet the treatment of pro-Palestinian mobilisation reveals a different reality: when political demands challenge dominant geopolitical interests and racialised ideas of belonging, tolerance quickly becomes conditional.

Blog post by Anna Tuckett, Brunel University of London, UK
 
The Life in the UK test is well known for the triviality of its questions. Less discussed, however, is the racist and exclusionary message that the citizenship test communicates about ‘authentic Britishness’.
 
The current Labour government has recently announced plans to ‘refresh’ the citizenship test. This must include the reversal of changes implemented by the Coalition government in 2013, which replaced practical information with selective history and general knowledge. Based on 24 questions, topics now include the Bronze Age, cricket, the Tudors and Stuarts, the Bayeux Tapestry, pantomimes and the Scottish judicial system (among others).
 
Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in private training centres that help applicants prepare for the test, my Identities article, ‘Still whitewashing Britain: race, class and the UK citizenship test’, argues that the UK citizenship test equates Britishness with a White, middle-class identity that ignores migrants’ existing participation in British society and excludes much of the British citizenry. 

Blog post by Malgosia Machowska-Kosciak and Maria Barry, Dublin City University, Ireland

In recent years, Ireland has witnessed worrying headlines: anti-immigrant protests, arson attacks on refugee accommodation, and growing online disinformation campaigns. Such incidents jar with the country’s self-image as the land of céad míle fáilte – a hundred thousand welcomes – and force us to ask: who gets to be considered Irish today?

For young people born in Ireland to migrant parents, or who arrived as children, this question is lived daily. Our Identities article, ‘Forty shades of ‘otherness’ – engaging with second-generation migrant young people’s identities through intersectionality, power and agency’, explores how second-generation youth navigate these tensions – and, crucially, how they refuse to let rigid labels define them.

In our study, participants described microaggressions and exclusions: a foreign-sounding name, a distinctive accent, a hijab in school, each sparking questions about their belonging. But these stories are not simply about being positioned as ‘other’. They are also about how young people resist, reinterpret and reshape what Irishness means.

Blog post by Idreas Khandy, Anglia Ruskin University, UK
 
The British Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, previewed what her ‘moral mission’ would look like when she laid out the broad contours of the measures concerning legal migration to the UK. The proposed measures, if adopted, would be the ‘biggest overhaul of legal migration model in 50 years’. The announcement amounted to the Home Office tipping its hat towards the far-right, whose rhetoric on immigration now openly advocates mass deportation. Crucially, this unfolded at a time when hate crimes against racial and religious minorities are rising in hospitals, schools and public transport.

Given this context, the announcement, coupled with its endorsement by Farage’s Reform, deepened existing concerns among racialised migrants. Within days of the announcement, as The Guardian reported, some immigrants in fear stopped accessing the support they are legally eligible for, despite strict eligibility conditions. Online, the immediate response to the announcement was that of shock, disbelief and confusion. For instance, discussions on a highly active subreddit (r/SkilledWorkerVisaUK, about 23K weekly visitors) focusing on immigration to the UK expressed feelings of betrayal, feeling unwanted, being asked to ‘prove’ one’s ‘worth’ again, and frustration at the vagueness of the proposal and the accompanying consultation.

​A closer reading of the proposed changes and the accompanying consultation suggests that both are rooted in a racial logic, and that a flawed consultation process may be used to legitimise their implementation, with serious consequences for the UK in the coming years.

Blog post by Owen McNamara, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium
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Just as consumers around the world have begun to realize that Mexican food is more than ‘TexMex’ style tacos and burritos, so too have Mexicans themselves undertaken a critical revaluation of their traditional cuisine. Increasingly, foods and drinks that were previously (disparagingly) associated with Indigenous, rural and poor communities are being reappraised within Mexican society.

These two revaluations are linked. The attention garnered by Mexican cuisine among international gourmands (and acts of institutional recognition, such as UNESCO’s 2010 designation of Mexican cooking as part of humanity’s ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage) have created demand in cities across Mexico for a supposedly more ‘authentic’ Mexican cuisine, not only among tourists but among Mexican consumers as well.

Simultaneous with this boom in interest in native corn and traditional cuisine, the stigma which has traditionally been attached to southern Mexican identities has likewise been rethought. Mexican racial geographies commonly divide the country between a relatively prosperous north, associated with European or mestizo culture, and a poor, Indigenous south. This understanding is supported by the higher prevalence of Indigenous people in southern states (particularly Oaxaca, Chiapas and Yucatán), and the historical investment in infrastructure and industry that has favoured the north, driving migration from southern states towards central and northern Mexico. 

Blog post by Dennis Wiedman, Florida International University, USA and Vanessa León León, Escuela Superior Politécnica del Litoral (ESPOL), Ecuador

Collective identity is often presented in neatly defined categories by governments, NGOs and international organizations, like the United Nations framework to recognize ‘Indigenous’ peoples. Such recognition is often tied to resources, visibility and political leverage. Yet, these frameworks of Indigeneity risk freezing identities into fixed categories. What happens when communities decline these categories?

This question guided our long-term research with the Wuankavilkas, the original people of Ecuador’s Santa Elena Peninsula. Using ethnohistorical methods combining oral histories, community archives, archaeological evidence, participant observation and four years of ethnographic fieldwork, we traced how the Wuankavilkas identify themselves in everyday life and in political arenas.

In our Identities article, ‘Identity fluidity and refusal of indigeneity by Wuankavilkas, the place-based original people of the Ecuadorian coast’, the combination of historical and contemporary sources using longitudinal cultural theme analysis allowed us to describe how the Wuankavilkas' collective identity has shifted fluidly over centuries while retaining a deep connection to land and ancestry.

Blog post by Nicola Guerra, University of Turku, Finland

Climate change is one of today’s most urgent global challenges—but it’s also become a highly political battleground. While environmentalism is typically associated with progressive values in mainstream media and public opinion, my Identities article, ‘The dark green agenda: tracing ecofascist ideologies and identities in Italy’, reveals a more complex and unsettling development gaining attention in academic circles: far-right movements are crafting their own ecological narratives in ways that are both sophisticated and contradictory.

In Italy, where far-right activism has deep roots and growing momentum, some groups are blending environmental concerns with anti-modern, anti-capitalist and identity-based ideologies. This phenomenon is increasingly referred to as ecofascism. Ecofascism isn’t a unified ideology. It’s a flexible constellation of ideas in which nature is valued not for its own sake, but as a symbol of purity, order and belonging – often tied to ethnic, territorial, or cultural identity. At its core, ecofascism sees modernity – especially capitalism, consumerism and multiculturalism – as having broken humanity’s bond with the natural world. 

Blog post by Max Mauro, Bournemouth University, UK
 
Lamine Yamal, the 17-year-old wonderkid in the world of football, has three tiny flags printed on his boots: that of Equatorial Guinea, the country of origin of his mother; that of Morocco, the country of origin of his father; and that of Spain, the country where he was born and that he decided to represent in international competitions. His case is not original; over the last decades, many athletes with multiple national backgrounds have risen to fame.
 
They are often the offspring of migration journeys from the Global South to the Global North or members of ethnic minorities. In one case or the other, they have likely been racialized, and they often claim to have experienced racism and discrimination. Furthermore, their belonging to the ‘nation’ is frequently questioned in public and media discourse, as happened to the members of the France national teams who won the men’s FIFA World Cup in 1998 and 2018.
 
The global visibility of sports such as football magnifies the impact that these dynamics can have on popular culture. In a way, the sporting spectacle exposes the fragility of the 'imagined communities' that we call nations by showing that is perfectly normal to have multiple belongings. As noted by Stuart Hall, identities are never fully settled; they are made of continuous additions and diversions. However, this contradicts the way sports and media usually represent people and nations; as crystallized identities, often fixed in stereotypical traits.

Blog post by Heather Poke, Michigan State University, USA
 
In this blog, Heather Poke, a second-year master’s student in the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State University, reflects on what it means to navigate higher education as a first-generation Black woman from a low-income, rural community in Alabama.
 
I remember watching the different road signs pass by through the window in my U-Haul, and reality kicked in: I’m really moving 12 hours away from home. My first day of class at the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State University was terrifying, yet a proud moment. I was the first of my family to move hours away from home ‘just for school’, as my parents stated. And the only thing I kept repeating to myself was: ‘You’re too country for the north’.
 
Despite moving to a slightly better environment, I had to leave behind things that shaped me, like my hometown. I grew up in a rural town in Alabama, called York, a predominantly Black community with limited resources. Not only were the resources limited for my community (health), but also academically.
My community placed my high school basketball team on a pedestal, and the idea of relying on higher education was considered a shadow or often viewed as a dream rather than a reality. Observing my loved ones struggle to make ends meet while still being classified as ‘lower class’ inspired me to seek education as a means of achieving stability and opportunity. This is what motivated me to further my education. 

Blog post by Giuliana Sanò, University of Messina, Messina, Italy

My Identities article, ‘Producing labour stratification: how migration policies affect the working, living and housing conditions of migrant farmworkers’, examines the  relationship between migration and labour stratification in the city of Vittoria, located in south-eastern Sicily. This agricultural district provides a valuable case study of the evolving patterns of (e)migration in Italy.

Historically marked by emigration, Vittoria underwent a significant transformation in the 1960s, rapidly becoming a destination for workers from Tunisia. At that time, Italy had not yet developed a comprehensive immigration policy, as its primary focus was to curb domestic emigration, particularly from the south. Consequently, Tunisian male workers who arrived in the late 1960s provided predominantly family-run local businesses with a crucial labour force, replacing local workers.

The exponential growth in profits within the local agricultural sector, described as the ‘miracle of the green gold’ by local economic figures, was largely attributed to the expansion of greenhouse farming. Unlike other agricultural districts in Italy, Vittoria's cultivation of vegetables under plastic and polyethylene covers enabled year-round production, mitigating seasonal risks. However, the crucial role of migrant labour in this sector's success is often overlooked in economic narratives.

Blog post by Aaron Winter, Lancaster University, UK and Co-Editor, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power

Hitler has been making headlines a lot in recent years – often because of others’ politics, words or high-profile hand gestures. The most recent headline, though, was about Hitler himself on 13 November, only two days following Remembrance Day, when the media reported that new research and analysis of Hilter's DNA taken from blood on the sofa where he killed himself in 1945 at the end of the war showed that Hitler had Kallmann Syndrome. This is a genetic disorder that impacts the progression of puberty and, it is claimed, may have impacted the development of his sexual organs and ability to form sexual relationships. The news arrived in advance of the Channel 4 documentary Hitler’s DNA: Blueprint of a Dictator, which according to reports also contains claims that he had a high genetic propensity to autism, ADHD, schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. 

Blog post by Maddy Clark and Aleksandra Lewicki, University of Sussex, UK
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In September 2025, one of the largest far-right marches in the history of the UK took place in London at which the American tech billionaire Elon Musk addressed a crowd of over 100,000 protesters wrapped in Union Jack and St. George’s flags, openly inciting violent action. In the following week, the UK’s Labour Government rolled out the red carpet for US President Donald Trump’s state visit to facilitate a £150 billion investment of American tech firms. Both events are indicators of the mainstreaming, transnationalization, mimicking and courting of the far-right movement – trends that have a longer trajectory in the UK.

Mainstreaming has been defined as involving conservative, liberal and social democratic political forces, on the one hand, embracing and implementing far-right talking points, demands and political agendas. On the other hand, far-right actors successfully expand their protest repertoires and appeal to new target audiences within the population.

In our Identities article, we examine key facets of this mainstreaming and emboldening of the far-right. Specifically, we analyzed statements by individuals who have gained a public profile by advancing far-right agendas (even though some do not necessarily self-represent as far-right agitators themselves). This analysis drew on an archive of social media posts and 21 interviews with individuals self-identifying as men and 18 self-identifying as women (no one identified outside of this binary) which were generated within two separate research projects over the past five years.

Blog post by Tariku Sagoya Gashute, Arba Minch University, Ethiopia; Abebe Lemessa Saka, Haramaya University, Ethiopia; and Tompson Makahamadze, George Mason University, USA

Ethiopian federalism was introduced to manage ethnic conflicts that arose from questions of recognition and autonomy. However, it further solidified ethnic division and conflict: drawing ethnicity at the centre of politics, it created rigid ethnic boundaries that increased division and conflicts.

Our Identities article, ‘Shared identity approach to conflict transformation: the case of the Konso–Derashe–Alle area, Ethiopian federalism in focus’, was based on a research question formulated against these limitations of Ethiopian federalism to mitigate conflict. The emphasis was on its tendency to undermine important bonding and bridging spaces. The system has deemphasized shared sociocultural and historical values that sustained intergroup relationships while exaggerating ethnic differences mainly for elite political ends, in which some sociocultural differences are politicized for a share in the regional and national cake.  

Blog post by Ester Gallo, University of Trento, Trento, Italy
 
My Identities article, ‘Utility workers: religion and the migratory stratification of foreign nurses across generations’, explores the role of Catholic institutions in shaping Indian nurses’ mobility pathways to Italy. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the global demand for nurses, and in many parts of the Global North (such as Europe, UK, Canada or the US) the provision of healthcare relies on the recruitment of  staff educated in the Global South. India represents one of the most important sources for this international recruitment of qualified nurses, who tend to be women from poorer groups.
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The international mobility of migrant nurses raises numerous challenges. When countries invest in the training of healthcare workers ‘for export’ – often at the expense of educational quality, workers’ rights and retention – this can make it difficult for their own country to address healthcare needs due to nurse shortages. In receiving countries, foreign-born nurses are often hired through temporary contracts; mass emergency recruitment coexists with periods of unemployment, resulting in precarious working conditions.

Blog post by Imran Awan and Damian Breen, Birmingham City University, UK
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March 23rd, 2025 marked five years since the first national lockdown in the UK as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic. As an unprecedented series of events, the pandemic exposed and exacerbated a range of pre-existing health and social inequalities, with Black and South Asian minority ethnic groups being among those most impacted.

At the height of the pandemic, the risk of mortality from COVID-19 was around three times higher for Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups than the national average. Whilst this is far from a complete picture of Muslim communities in the UK, it is ordinarily as close as we get in terms of data pertaining to British Muslims where religion is not measured in publicly available national-level data. However, whilst there was some acknowledgement of the racialized disparities exposed by the pandemic, one aspect which was overlooked was the impact of lockdowns on faith communities.

As we show in our Identities article, ‘Islam and faith in times of crisis: religious observance and Muslim communities in the pandemic’, key focus of our research was ‘faith in times of crisis’, and specifically faith practice for Muslims in the context of local and national lockdowns. Our project drew attention to the emphasis on practise in the context of Islam, and what lockdowns and restrictions meant for Muslims in particular. 

Blog post by Roberta Altin, University of Trieste, Italy
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How do memories, histories and representations of past migrations influence current migration processes in a border region? How do migration processes shape a borderscape, and how are memories interwoven across different historical layers?
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Migration studies have grown significantly over the last two decades, leading to specialization in specific areas. While academic interest in migration has increased since the so-called 'migration crisis', the connection between migration studies and memory studies, especially regarding how perceptions of the past impact immigrant integration, is rare.

It is useful to view migration alongside integration contexts such as cities. My Identities article, ‘Displaced memories in the Trieste border area: a never-ending historical entanglement’, focuses on the Trieste border area, known for its cultural diversity due to the historical presence of different languages and migrations, and intertwined socio-cultural dynamics. Time plays a key role, and public spaces, materials and oral memory sources are also examined. 

Blog post by Sri Rahayu Hijrah Hati, University of Indonesia

In today’s fast-paced world, food delivery apps have become an essential part of urban life. With just a few taps on a smartphone, consumers can access a vast array of meals, delivered swiftly to their doorsteps. This convenience has been particularly significant in Muslim-majority countries like Indonesia, where online food platforms such as GrabFood and GoFood dominate the market. However, for Muslim consumers, convenience alone is not enough: ensuring that food adheres to halal standards is a fundamental requirement.

As the digital economy grows, so does the demand for ethical and religiously compliant food choices. This raises a critical question: how does religious self identity and halal labelling influence Muslim consumers’ trust and purchasing intentions in food delivery apps?

Our Identities article, ‘Food for the soul: religious identity and ethical halal labelling in sharing economy apps’, explores the complex relationship between religious identity, halal labelling, trust and trust in shaping consumer behaviour within Indonesia’s thriving digital marketplace.

Blog post by Simone Haarbosch, Radboud University, Netherlands and Claire Wallace, University of Aberdeen, UK

Increased mobility within the European Union means that many people have learned to live in new places. However, improved communications meant they no longer had to choose one place or another – they can live in both places simultaneously using what we have analysed as ‘hybrid habitus’ (drawing on Bourdieu’s ideas). Brexit added a further complication by forcing them to adapt to a new situation whereby the UK was no longer part of the facilitated EU migration policy, thus adding new levels of uncertainty to the situation. However, for professional people, the choice is not so much an economic one (can I afford this?) as an existential one leading them to reconsider: Who am I?  Where do I belong?

Our Identities article, ‘Renegotiating female transnational identities after Brexit: the importance of hybrid habitus’, looked at the experiences of 58 middle class women, who were either Dutch people living long term in the UK (Scotland in this case) or British people living in the Netherlands. We looked at how they established a new sense of ‘home’ in another country on the one hand, and how they retained links with their motherlands on the other, as aspects of this hybrid habitus.  

Blog post by Saime Özçürümez, Baskent University, Türkiye and Pınar Sönmez, Bilkent University, Türkiye
 
Scholars working on highly skilled migrants (HSMs) portray them as privileged cosmopolitans who can move effortlessly across borders due to high competition for attracting talent. However, little is known about how HSMs narrate their everyday experiences while reflecting on their sense of belonging. How do the HSMs reconcile national attachments with a global outlook? How do they navigate the complex socio-political landscapes of their host countries?
 
Our Identities article, ‘Patriotic cosmopolitans in Budapest: narratives of belonging among highly skilled migrants’, challenges the dominant framing and research on HSMs as essentially economic actors. We focus on their experience of international mobility and examine how they think through their identity and sense of belonging in complex socio-political settings. Drawing on Kwame Anthony Appiah’s assertion that one can identify as both a cosmopolitan and remain loyal to country of origin, we conceptualize cosmopolitanism and patriotism as intertwined spatial and emotional attachments constituting the foundations of HSMs’ sense of belonging. 

Blog post by Ruxandra Ana, University of Łódź, Poland

​My Identities article, ‘Modes of embodiment: exercising agency through Afro-Cuban dance’, was inspired by a conversation with Alvaro, a Berlin-based dancer and dance instructor and one of my research participants after the opening of the exhibition O Quilombismo: Of Resisting and Insisting. Of Flight as Fight. Of Other Democratic Egalitarian Political Philosophies, hosted in 2023 by the House of World Cultures in Berlin. One of the installations in the exhibition, Table of Goods by Portuguese visual artist Grada Kilomba, consisted of a pyramid of soil surrounded by candles, indented with notches filled with coffee, sugar and cocoa, to symbolize the violence that facilitates modern pleasures, and serving as a metaphor for trauma and the colonial wound.

Alvaro spoke enthusiastically about this particular installation, which resonated with our on-going conversations about the fetishization of Black and Brown bodies as part of broader processes of commodification of Cuban music and dance on the island and in European contexts. Our talks inevitably touched upon the experience of racial discrimination in Berlin and the German desire and occasional positive valorization of Blackness, almost unequivocally connotated negatively in Cuba, and Alvaro was not an isolated example.

Blog post by Muhammad Habib Qazi, University of Central Punjab, Pakistan

Punjabi, the language of Pakistan’s largest ethnic community, continues to face marginalization despite its deep-rooted cultural and historical significance. This linguistic relegation is not merely the result of state policies but is also reinforced at the societal level, particularly by Punjabi women. Their role in fostering linguistic cringe has been a crucial yet underexplored phenomenon. The term linguistic cringe refers to one’s feeling of embarrassment about their linguistic and cultural products vis-à-vis those of dominant languages and cultures (Phillips 2006). My Identities article, ‘Ethnic languages conundrum in postcolonial Pakistan and the role of women in fostering Punjabi linguistic cringe’, investigates the ways in which postcolonial socio-political structures and internalized stigmas have led Punjabi women to distance themselves from their mother tongue.
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Based on a mixed-method approach, the study draws on data from 312 randomly sampled Punjabi women through semi-structured interviews and questionnaires. The findings reveal that colonial legacies and postcolonial nation-building efforts have led to the assertion and imposition of Urdu and English as superior languages, pushing Punjabi to the periphery. This imposed linguistic hierarchy has contributed to Punjabi women’s reluctance to pass the language on to their children, reinforcing its decline and strengthening the perception of Punjabi as a ‘backward’ or ‘rural’ language (John 2015; Asif 2005).

Blog post by Amir Aziz, University of California, Berkeley
 
Situated in the scenic port area, the downtown neighbourhood Noailles is frequently touted as the heart of multicultural diversity in the French Mediterranean city of Marseille. Since the 1990s, Noailles has been subjected to waves of urban renewal programmes, such as the Euroméditerranée project, that sought to revitalize Marseille’s downtown by building new offices, hotels and tourist amenities. This construction of expensive projects has threatened to drive out longtime Noailles residents and shopowners, many of whom are of Muslim and northern/western African origin.

In October 2018, locals protested the decision to tear down Place Jean-Jaurès, a public square affectionately called La Plaine (‘The Plains’) that hosted free local activities and markets. The city deployed riot police to quell protests and guard the construction zone, erecting a costly 2.5-metre concrete wall to prohibit access. Yet, commercial redevelopment has not led to concrete living improvements for locals.

Blog post by Liam Gillespie, University of Melbourne, Australia
 
It is often said that we are living in a period characterized by the ‘main-streaming’ of the far right. The idea is that the previously unacceptable ‘fringes’ of society – the literally ‘far’ right – have come to increasingly occupy and influence the mainstream or ‘centre’ of society, effectively becoming part of it. Commonly cited indicators for this idea include the return – and indeed in some cases the re-election – of political figures like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, Marine Le Pen, Viktor Orbán, Giorgia Meloni, Javier Milei and Geert Wilders, all of whom have successfully tapped into and normalized racism, ethnic nationalism, xenophobia, misogyny, transphobia (and more) to achieve political success.
 
Consequently, research on the far right is booming, and much of the emerging literature now attempts to understand how and why the far right has come to be mainstreamed and normalized.